Rajapaksa family
A prominent Sri Lankan political family whose members held the presidency, premiership, ministerial offices and other senior state positions.
Last updated August 22, 2026
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Overview
The Rajapaksa family is a prominent Sri Lankan political family rooted in the rural Hambantota district. Its political presence began in the colonial-era State Council, when Don Mathew Rajapaksa was elected to represent Hambantota in 1936. His brother, Don Alwin Rajapaksa, later entered Parliament, and successive relatives represented constituencies in the district for several decades. The family’s early influence was regional rather than national, and its members were associated with landholding, paddy cultivation and coconut plantations in the Giruwapattuwa area. The family became a major national force after Mahinda Rajapaksa was elected president in 2005. During his presidency, his brothers and other relatives occupied important positions across government. Gotabaya Rajapaksa became Defence Secretary, Basil Rajapaksa served as a senior presidential adviser and later held economic and finance portfolios, and Chamal Rajapaksa became Speaker of Parliament. The family’s influence extended across defence, urban development, economic development, finance, ports, highways and other areas. Supporters associated the administration with the end of the Sri Lankan civil war, infrastructure development and Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism. Critics and opposition groups accused it of centralising power, weakening institutional checks, suppressing journalists and practising nepotism. Mahinda Rajapaksa lost the 2015 presidential election, temporarily ending the family’s direct control of the executive branch. The family returned to national power after Gotabaya Rajapaksa won the 2019 presidential election on a platform emphasising national security, economic development and majoritarian nationalism. Following the 2020 parliamentary election, Mahinda became prime minister, Basil became finance minister, Chamal received a ministerial portfolio and Namal Rajapaksa entered the cabinet as minister of youth and sport. The administration’s popularity deteriorated sharply as Sri Lanka entered a severe foreign-exchange and economic crisis. Critics attributed the crisis to policy decisions, debt management, tax reductions, import restrictions, monetary and fiscal mismanagement, corruption and the concentration of decision-making within the presidential family. Large demonstrations in 2022 demanded the resignation of the Rajapaksas. Mahinda resigned as prime minister in May 2022 after violence surrounding an attack on anti-government protesters. Basil resigned from Parliament in June, and Gotabaya fled the country and resigned the presidency in July. The family has also faced allegations involving corruption, misuse of state resources, illicit enrichment, money laundering and offshore wealth. Some allegations remain contested or unresolved. International reporting, including the Pandora Papers, linked Nirupama Rajapaksa and her husband Thirukumar Nadesan to offshore structures and assets. In November 2023, Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court held that Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Basil Rajapaksa and other officials had violated fundamental rights through economic mismanagement connected with the crisis. In the 2024 presidential election, Namal Rajapaksa represented the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna and received a small share of the vote. The family’s electoral presence in its ancestral Hambantota base also declined, with no Rajapaksa contesting there in that election.
History
The Rajapaksa family originated as a rural landholding family in Giruwapattuwa in Sri Lanka’s southern Hambantota district. Its early economic base included paddy land and coconut plantations. Don David Rajapaksa held a traditional local administrative office, and his son Don Mathew Rajapaksa entered formal politics when he was elected to the State Council for Hambantota in 1936. After Don Mathew’s death in 1945, his brother Don Alwin Rajapaksa won the resulting seat. At the first parliamentary election in 1947, Don Alwin represented Beliatta while Lakshman Rajapaksa represented Hambantota. Family members continued to hold legislative positions in the district until the United National Party’s sweeping victory in 1977. The family’s political revival began in the late twentieth century. Mahinda Rajapaksa and his brother Chamal were elected from Hambantota in 1989. They were later joined in national politics by Basil Rajapaksa, Nirupama Rajapaksa and Namal Rajapaksa, among others. For much of this period the family’s influence remained strongly connected to Hambantota, but Mahinda’s election as president in 2005 transformed it into a national governing network. During Mahinda’s presidency, relatives were placed in strategically important posts. Gotabaya Rajapaksa became Defence Secretary, while Basil Rajapaksa served as a senior presidential adviser and later controlled major economic portfolios. Chamal became Speaker of Parliament, and other relatives held ministerial, diplomatic, provincial or state-enterprise positions. The family’s influence was particularly strong after Mahinda’s re-election in 2010. The concentration of ministries under the president and his brothers led critics to describe the administration as nepotistic and increasingly authoritarian. Allegations included pressure on journalists, misuse of state resources, corruption and insufficient accountability. Supporters, by contrast, credited the administration with military victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in 2009 and with ambitious infrastructure and development projects. Mahinda’s defeat in the January 2015 presidential election removed the family from the presidency. The succeeding administration pursued allegations involving public-resource misuse, unexplained wealth, money laundering and other wrongdoing. Claims included the alleged use of state aircraft during the election campaign and the movement of substantial funds abroad. Sri Lankan authorities sought assistance from foreign governments and international institutions in tracing suspected assets. Some members of the family left the country or lost their official positions, while Mahinda remained a major opposition figure. The family returned to power after Gotabaya Rajapaksa won the 2019 presidential election. He was the first Sri Lankan president elected without previously holding elected office and had a military and administrative background. The 2020 parliamentary election produced a government led by the Rajapaksas: Mahinda became prime minister, Chamal held a ministerial post, Namal became minister of youth and sport, and Basil later became finance minister. The administration pursued centralised decision-making, constitutional changes and economic policies that critics associated with reduced institutional oversight. Sri Lanka’s economic conditions deteriorated severely during this period. Foreign-exchange shortages, debt pressures, shortages of essential goods and public anger over governance produced the 2022 protest movement. Demonstrators used slogans demanding that the Rajapaksas leave office. Violence followed an attack by government supporters on protesters at Galle Face Green. Mahinda resigned on 9 May 2022, Basil resigned his parliamentary seat in June, and Gotabaya fled Sri Lanka before resigning as president in July. The family’s political dominance consequently collapsed, although Namal remained active in Parliament and in the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna. The family’s wealth has been the subject of persistent speculation and investigation. Reporting linked some relatives and associates to businesses, property and offshore structures. The Pandora Papers identified offshore arrangements associated with Nirupama Rajapaksa and her husband Thirukumar Nadesan. Allegations concerning the family’s assets, state contracts and environmental impacts remain politically significant, though the scale of any hidden wealth is not established by the available reference material. In November 2023, the Supreme Court held that several senior officials, including Gotabaya, Mahinda and Basil, had violated fundamental rights through economic mismanagement. In 2024, Namal’s presidential campaign performed poorly, and for the first time in decades no Rajapaksa contested the family’s ancestral Hambantota seat.
- 2024
Namal Rajapaksa performs poorly in the presidential election
[1]Namal finished fourth, while no Rajapaksa contested the ancestral Hambantota seat.
- 2023
Supreme Court ruling on economic mismanagement
[1]The court found several senior Rajapaksa-era officials responsible for violations of fundamental rights.
- 2022
Mass protests force the family from office
[1]The economic crisis triggered resignations by Mahinda and Basil and Gotabaya’s departure from the presidency.
- 2019
Gotabaya Rajapaksa wins the presidency
[1]The family returned to the executive branch after a campaign centred on security, development and nationalism.
- 2015
Mahinda Rajapaksa loses the presidency
[1]The defeat temporarily ended the family’s direct control of the central government.
- 2010
Family influence expands after the parliamentary election
[1]Several Rajapaksas won parliamentary seats and received senior offices, including the speakership and major ministries.
- 2005
Mahinda Rajapaksa becomes president
[1]The family moved from regional prominence to national executive power.
- 1989
Mahinda and Chamal return the family to Parliament
[1]The brothers were elected from Hambantota, beginning the family’s modern resurgence.
- 1947
Rajapaksas win both Hambantota parliamentary constituencies
[1]Don Alwin Rajapaksa and Lakshman Rajapaksa were elected from Beliatta and Hambantota respectively.
- 1936
Don Mathew Rajapaksa enters representative politics
[1]Don Mathew Rajapaksa was elected to represent Hambantota in the State Council, establishing the family’s documented political presence.
Products and positioning
A political family associated with executive power, national security, Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism, state-led development and a strong familial concentration of government authority.
Controversies
2023
Supreme Court fundamental-rights ruling
Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court held that Gotabaya, Mahinda, Basil and other officials had violated fundamental rights through their handling of matters connected with the economic crisis.
2022
Economic crisis and protest movement
Sri Lanka’s economic collapse generated widespread accusations of corruption, nepotism and policy mismanagement against the Rajapaksa government and culminated in mass protests and the family’s loss of executive power.
2021
Pandora Papers offshore-wealth revelations
The Pandora Papers linked Nirupama Rajapaksa and Thirukumar Nadesan to offshore companies, trusts, property and other assets. The reporting intensified scrutiny of the family’s wealth, while the full scale and legality of the assets remained disputed or unresolved.
2015
Alleged misuse of state resources and corruption
After Mahinda Rajapaksa’s electoral defeat, organisations and monitors raised allegations involving campaign use of public resources, corruption, abuse of power and unexplained transfers of funds.
Marketing campaigns
- 2024Namal Rajapaksa presidential campaign
Sri Lanka
Namal Rajapaksa contested as the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna candidate after the family’s popularity had fallen during the economic crisis.
Outcome. He finished fourth with 2.57 percent of the popular vote.
- 2019Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidential campaign
Sri Lanka
The campaign presented Gotabaya Rajapaksa as a strong national-security and development-oriented leader, appealing particularly to predominantly Sinhalese areas.
Outcome. Gotabaya won the presidency.
Brand decisions
2022
Resignations during the economic crisisStrategyBackground
Foreign-exchange shortages, debt distress and mass demonstrations challenged the government’s legitimacy.
Action taken
Mahinda resigned as prime minister, Basil resigned his parliamentary seat, and Gotabaya left office after departing the country.
Aftermath
The family lost executive control, although Namal remained active in parliamentary and party politics.
2020
Consolidation of family control after the parliamentary electionStrategyBackground
The governing alliance secured a parliamentary mandate after Gotabaya’s presidential victory.
Action taken
Mahinda became prime minister, Chamal received a ministerial portfolio, Namal became minister of youth and sport, and Basil later entered Parliament and became finance minister.
Aftermath
The concentration of senior offices within the family intensified accusations of nepotism and weakened public confidence as economic conditions deteriorated.
2019
Return to power through a security-and-development platformStrategyBackground
Following the family’s 2015 defeat, Gotabaya Rajapaksa was positioned as a candidate associated with national security, administrative discipline and economic development.
Action taken
The family supported Gotabaya’s presidential campaign and subsequently formed a government dominated by close relatives.
Aftermath
The strategy succeeded electorally but was followed by growing criticism over centralisation, economic policy and family control of government.
Recent events
- 2024
Namal Rajapaksa contests the 2024 presidential election[1]
Leadership change
Namal represented the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna and finished fourth with 2.57 percent of the popular vote.
- 2019
Gotabaya Rajapaksa wins the presidential election[1]
Leadership change
Gotabaya returned the family to the presidency after campaigning on national security, development and nationalist themes.
- 2010
Mahinda Rajapaksa is re-elected president[1]
Leadership change
Mahinda secured a second presidential term, while several relatives won parliamentary seats or received senior government roles.
- 2005
Mahinda Rajapaksa wins the Sri Lankan presidency[1]
Leadership change
Mahinda Rajapaksa’s election marked the family’s emergence as the dominant force in national executive politics.
Sources1 sources
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