CECOSESOLA
CECOSESOLA is a Venezuelan cooperative federation that combines food distribution with health care, finance, funerals, education and other community services.
Last updated October 14, 2026
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Overview
CECOSESOLA, short for the Central Cooperative of Social Services of Lara, is a cooperative federation based in Barquisimeto in Venezuela's Lara State. It was created in 1967 by a group of local cooperatives that wanted to provide affordable social services to their members. Its first principal activity was the organization of low-cost funerals, addressing a need that local private providers had not adequately served. Rather than operating as a conventional commercial company, CECOSESOLA developed as a network linking worker, consumer and producer cooperatives with community organizations. During the 1970s, the federation expanded into public transportation. Between 1974 and 1976 it established a bus service whose routes and schedules were designed with community organizations. Low fares made the service popular, and by the late 1970s the bus cooperative had grown to approximately 300 workers and 127 buses. The project brought CECOSESOLA into conflict with municipal authorities after the cooperative refused to raise its fares to match those of other transport operators. The withdrawal of a public subsidy, a strike, demonstrations, arrests and the seizure of buses produced a prolonged confrontation. Although a court eventually ordered the buses returned, the dispute caused severe financial and organizational damage. Internal disagreements also led many affiliated cooperatives and workers to leave the network. The crisis became a turning point. In the early 1980s, remaining members chose to rely on internal financing rather than outside subsidies and began redesigning the organization around participation, mutual responsibility and collective decision-making. By 1983, CECOSESOLA had eliminated its formal executive and supervisory hierarchy. Workers adopted consensus-based decision-making, regular meetings, rotation of jobs and equal pay for equal work. These practices were later reflected in the federation's bylaws. The organization presents this model as an alternative to hierarchical management and as part of a broader solidarity economy. After the bus service collapsed, CECOSESOLA concentrated on food distribution. In 1983 it began organizing recurring food markets in underserved neighborhoods, connecting agricultural cooperatives with urban consumer cooperatives. The markets initially operated weekly from Friday through Sunday and became the federation's most visible activity. Their growth gave CECOSESOLA a substantial role in Barquisimeto's regional food economy. The federation developed relationships with producers, suppliers, government bodies and multinational companies to secure commodities such as food and agricultural inputs. Its network was reported to have helped maintain food access during severe shortages, including the Venezuelan food crises of the 2000s and 2010s. By the twenty-first century, CECOSESOLA had broadened its activities beyond markets. Its network included cooperatives involved in agricultural production, food processing, health care, savings, lending, insurance, funerals, household appliances and community education. It operated clinics, laboratories, mutual savings and credit services, a funeral home and a self-managed hospital. In the hospital and other services, professional expertise was recognized, but management authority was not assigned to a separate professional hierarchy; workers were treated as participants in the cooperative system. Doctors were generally exempt from job rotation because of their specialized training. The federation also became an influential example in international discussions about worker self-management, cooperative governance and solidarity economies. It maintained relationships with comparable initiatives abroad and supported exchanges with cooperatives in Latin America, North America and Europe. Although it did not seek to become a conventional multinational enterprise, its methods influenced cooperative initiatives in countries including Bolivia, Colombia and Egypt. CECOSESOLA also engaged with Venezuelan public policy. Following the election of Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution, it advocated changes to cooperative legislation, including removal of requirements for formal executive and supervisory boards. The law was amended in 2001. CECOSESOLA continued to defend cooperative autonomy under later governments. In 2015, it mobilized against proposed higher taxes on self-managed cooperatives, arguing that the measure favored capitalist organizational forms over cooperatives. During the 2010s, attendance at its food markets reportedly increased to roughly 150,000 weekly visitors, while by 2018 the markets were distributing about 800 tonnes of perishable food each week. The federation's networks were also used to support poorer and immunocompromised people during the COVID-19 pandemic. CECOSESOLA remains best understood as a community-rooted cooperative system rather than a conventional consumer brand: its identity rests on collective ownership, horizontal coordination, affordable services and economic resilience.
History
CECOSESOLA was established in 1967 in Barquisimeto by several cooperatives seeking to provide social services that were either too expensive or insufficiently available through private providers. Its initial focus was affordable funeral provision, but its federative structure allowed affiliated cooperatives to coordinate services and resources while retaining their own self-management. The federation's first major expansion was public transportation. From the mid-1970s into the late 1970s, CECOSESOLA operated a community-oriented bus service with routes and schedules shaped through consultation with local organizations. The service grew rapidly because of its low fares. Its success, however, created a political dispute with municipal authorities, who demanded that CECOSESOLA align its fares with other transport providers. After the cooperative refused, its subsidy was withdrawn. A strike, political demonstrations, arrests and the confiscation of buses followed. A court order eventually required the municipality to return the vehicles, but the confrontation left the service weakened and contributed to substantial losses. Internal allegations and disagreements, though not substantiated by an independent investigation, further damaged trust. Many affiliated cooperatives and workers subsequently departed. The crisis led to a fundamental reorganization. The remaining participants decided to avoid external subsidies and to build the federation through internal financing and stronger participation. In 1983, they eliminated the executive and supervisory boards and replaced formal hierarchy with worker self-management. The new system emphasized consensus, regular meetings, equal remuneration and rotation among jobs. Coordination was assigned to rotating groups of workers rather than permanent managers. These practices were intended not simply to improve workplace democracy but to cultivate trust, solidarity and collective responsibility. The principles were later incorporated into formal bylaws. CECOSESOLA's post-transport recovery centered on food markets. In 1983, it began holding weekly markets in poorer neighborhoods and food deserts around Barquisimeto. The markets linked agricultural producers with urban consumers and made the cooperative visible to a much larger population. Their expansion increased the federation's economic and social legitimacy. CECOSESOLA built supply relationships that helped it obtain food and agricultural inputs, and it used its local influence to negotiate with suppliers and public authorities. The federation's food system was subsequently portrayed as more resilient than conventional retail channels during Venezuela's periods of shortage. Over time, CECOSESOLA became a diversified network rather than a single-service cooperative. By 2014, the network reportedly included 29 affiliated cooperatives and approximately 20 community organizations. Its membership included worker, consumer and producer cooperatives. Activities included food production and distribution, medical clinics, testing laboratories, savings and credit, lending, insurance, funeral provision, household-appliance distribution and education. It also designed, financed and constructed a self-managed hospital in Barquisimeto. The hospital maintained professional medical roles while rejecting the idea that doctors should control the institution's general management. Most workers participated in the federation's broader culture of shared responsibility; doctors were generally excluded from job rotation because of specialization. CECOSESOLA's political and international profile grew alongside its local operations. After 1999, it developed relationships with officials associated with Hugo Chávez's government and advocated reform of cooperative legislation. The 2001 amendment to the law removed requirements that had been incompatible with CECOSESOLA's horizontal governance model. The federation described its self-management principles as compatible in some respects with the Bolivarian government's socialist program, while also drawing comparisons with other emancipatory and cooperative movements. It exchanged knowledge with initiatives in Latin America and with groups in North America and Europe, and its approach influenced cooperative market projects in Bolivia, Colombia and Egypt. The organization remained politically independent enough to challenge government policy. In 2015, it opposed proposed higher taxes on self-managed cooperatives and organized a broad mobilization against the measure. It argued that the proposal treated cooperatives as if they were conventional capitalist businesses and conflicted with the social role assigned to them in earlier policy frameworks. During the 2010s, CECOSESOLA's markets grew substantially. Reported weekly attendance rose from fewer than 40,000 people to approximately 150,000, and in 2018 the markets were distributing about 800 tonnes of perishable food per week. The federation's organizational networks were also mobilized during the COVID-19 pandemic to assist poor and immunocompromised communities. Its continuing significance lies in the combination of economic activity and social infrastructure: food distribution, health care, finance and mutual aid are coordinated through a system that seeks to replace permanent managerial hierarchy with participation, rotating responsibilities and collective decision-making.
- 2018
Food-market distribution reaches reported peak scale
[1]The markets are reported to distribute approximately 800 tonnes of perishable food each week amid national shortages.
- 2015
Mobilization against higher cooperative taxes
[1]CECOSESOLA campaigns against proposed tax increases affecting self-managed cooperatives.
- 2014
Network reaches dozens of affiliated organizations
[1]The network is reported to include 29 affiliated cooperatives and about 20 community organizations.
- 2001
Cooperative legislation is amended
[1]Venezuela changes cooperative law after advocacy by CECOSESOLA and others, removing requirements for executive and supervisory boards.
- 1983
Worker self-management is adopted
[1]CECOSESOLA abolishes its formal hierarchy and implements consensus, job rotation and equal pay for equal work.
- 1983
Weekly food markets are launched
[1]The federation begins serving underserved neighborhoods through recurring markets that connect agricultural and consumer cooperatives.
- 1980
Buses are confiscated during the transport conflict
[1]Municipal police arrest workers and seize buses; a court later orders their return.
- 1979
Bus-fare dispute with municipal authorities
[1]The cooperative's refusal to raise fares to match other operators leads to the withdrawal of a subsidy and a prolonged conflict.
- 1974
Public transportation initiative begins
[1]CECOSESOLA begins developing a bus service with routes and schedules designed around community needs.
- 1967
CECOSESOLA is established
[1]Cooperatives in Barquisimeto form the Central Cooperative of Social Services of Lara to coordinate affordable social services, initially emphasizing funeral provision.
Products and positioning
A Venezuelan solidarity-economy federation positioned around affordable community services, cooperative ownership, worker self-management, food access and resilience during economic and political crises.
Food distribution · 1983
Community food markets
CECOSESOLA's best-known activity is its recurring food-market system in underserved areas of Barquisimeto and surrounding communities. The markets connect producer cooperatives, agricultural suppliers and consumer cooperatives, distributing fresh and perishable products directly to the public. Their scale and relationships with suppliers have helped the federation maintain food access during periods when conventional Venezuelan retail channels faced shortages.
Health care
Health services
The federation's health activities include clinics, laboratory services and a self-managed hospital developed through cooperative planning and internal fundraising. Medical professionals provide specialized care, but the institution's overall management follows CECOSESOLA's participatory principles rather than being controlled exclusively by doctors or administrators.
Finance
Mutual financial services
CECOSESOLA's network provides savings, credit, lending and related mutual financial services for members. These activities are organized as cooperative services intended to support household stability and the wider solidarity economy rather than maximize returns for outside investors.
Social services · 1967
Funeral services
Affordable funeral provision was the federation's original service. It was created to address a longstanding gap in Barquisimeto, where private funeral services were viewed by founding cooperators as inaccessible or inadequate for many community members.
Community services
Community education and household goods distribution
The cooperative network also organizes education and distributes household appliances. These activities extend CECOSESOLA's role beyond food and health care, providing practical goods and shared learning through its member and community organizations.
Marketing campaigns
- 2015Defense of self-managed cooperatives
Venezuela
CECOSESOLA coordinated a public mobilization and open-letter campaign opposing proposed higher taxes on self-managed cooperatives.
Outcome. The campaign exerted political pressure on government officials; the available source does not establish the final legislative outcome.
Brand decisions
2015
Challenge proposed higher taxes on self-managed cooperativesOtherBackground
The Maduro government pursued a tax approach that CECOSESOLA believed treated self-managed cooperatives like conventional capitalist enterprises.
Action taken
The federation organized a mass mobilization and issued an open letter criticizing the proposal.
Aftermath
The action generated political pressure, although the available source does not document the complete policy outcome.
2001
Advocate legal recognition for horizontal cooperative governanceStrategyBackground
Existing Venezuelan cooperative rules required executive and supervisory bodies that conflicted with CECOSESOLA's self-managed structure.
Action taken
CECOSESOLA worked with political actors and advocated amendment of the cooperative law.
Aftermath
The law was amended, removing the structural requirement that had limited the federation's preferred governance model.
1983
Replace hierarchy with worker self-managementStrategyBackground
The bus-service conflict, financial losses and internal disputes weakened the federation and led many affiliated cooperatives and workers to leave.
Action taken
Remaining workers ended the formal executive and supervisory structure, introduced consensus decision-making, rotated jobs and applied equal pay for equal work.
Aftermath
The new model became the basis for CECOSESOLA's later organizational culture and was subsequently formalized in its bylaws.
1983
Shift from bus transportation to community food marketsStrategyBackground
The transport operation had been damaged by the conflict with municipal authorities and was no longer a sustainable foundation for the federation.
Action taken
CECOSESOLA connected agricultural and urban consumer cooperatives through weekly markets in underserved neighborhoods.
Aftermath
Food distribution became the federation's central public-facing activity and helped it grow its membership, customer base and regional influence.
Sources1 sources
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